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“A Radical Revolution of Values”: Dr. King’s Most Important (And Dangerous) Speech

By Ed Ciaccio (republished from Thomas Paine’s Corner)

Martin_Luther_King_Jr._and_Lyndon_Johnson

“A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.”

No, it’s not the “I Have a Dream” speech most people associate with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and ceremoniously trot out every year as we commemorate his birthday. It’s a speech largely ignored by mainstream commentators who are content to pigeonhole Dr. King as a “slain civil rights leader”, as though his Nobel Prize was awarded solely for his civil rights efforts. It’s a speech known very well to advocates of peace and social justice. It’s an audacious, even dangerous speech which turned many former supporters against him after he gave it, and may even have accelerated the efforts of those who felt so threatened by this audacity that they murdered him a year after he delivered it. And it’s a speech that has even more resonance for us today than it did over 40 years ago, and not merely because we will see our first African-American President inaugurated five days after what would have been Dr. King’s 80th birthday.

On April 4, 1967, exactly a year before his assassination, Dr. King gave a speech titled “Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence” at a meeting of Clergy and Laity Concerned at Riverside Church in New York City. Clergy and Laity Concerned was one of many groups opposed to the Vietnam War.

This powerful, enlightening speech contains passages which are strikingly, even eerily, more relevant to us today than when Dr. King first spoke them. Replace “Vietnam” with “Iraq and Afghanistan” and this speech is as timely as if it was given this morning.

Anticipating and answering those who criticized him for speaking out against the illegal, unnecessary war on the people of Vietnam, he said:

I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such…I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today — my own government.

martin-luther-king- picBy calling the United States “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today”, King even antagonized many of his own supporters, who then, and still, today, choose to ignore United States’ foreign policy, including the many violent military and CIA “operations” conducted by various administrations since at least 1947 “to protect America’s vital interests and security” while overthrowing elected governments and causing the deaths of millions of innocent people. In doing so, he not only expanded his message beyond civil rights to the violence of war and exploitation, but also beyond Americans to all people in words which still sear our consciences:

This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for victims of our nation and for those it calls enemy, for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

Speaking today, he would no doubt have decried the ongoing genocide in Darfur, the slaughter of civilians in Gaza by U.S.-supplied weapons, and the threat to all life on earth from human-caused climate chaos. But he would be especially critical of our own nation, the most powerful and wealthy on earth, which maintains that power and wealth through an empire of over 760 military bases in more than 130 foreign nations, supporting exploitative, impoverishing, environmentally-devastating economic policies such as NAFTA and through control of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization whose “structural adjustment” policies serve mainly to drive poor Third World nations even deeper into un-repayable debt.

Meanwhile, as the world’s biggest arms merchant, the U.S. supplies advanced military equipment to oppressive governments such as Egypt, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, and all of this with mostly unquestioning bipartisan Congressional support.

In his 1967 speech, citing such a U.S. foreign policy, even before the term ‘blowback’ was widely known, Dr. King said:

It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken — the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investment.

But it is the passage immediately following those words which should force us all to recall Dr. King’s prescience, and the tragic truth his words still hold for us today:

I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin the shift from a “thing-oriented” society to a “person-oriented” society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies…

True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it is not haphazard and superficial. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say: “This is not just.” It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America and say: “This is not just.” The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just. A true revolution of values will lay hands on the world order and say of war: “This way of settling differences is not just.” This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation’s homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into veins of people normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

This call for a world-wide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all men.

We still have a choice today; nonviolent coexistence or violent co-annihilation.

In 2009, in the midst of yet other illegal wars, with a Congress well-funded by corporations profiting from such wars, and following a presidential campaign in which the candidates of both major parties were beholden to their corporate benefactors, it is doubtful that King’s “revolution of values” will come from any of our elected leaders.

If we truly “recall the fullness of his message,” it is we ourselves who are called to act today to make the “great revolution of values” happen for us, and for our children. As Dr. King said, near the end of that Riverside Church speech, “We are now faced with the fact that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history there is such a thing as being too late.”

How can we put Dr. King’s words into action? He gave us a hint in a speech, “Where Do We Go from Here?” which he gave later that same year, on August 16, 1967, at the SCLC Conference in Atlanta, Georgia:

And one of the great problems of history is that the concepts of love and power have usually been contrasted as opposites, polar opposites, so that love is identified with a resignation of power, and power with a denial of love… What is needed is a realization that power without love is reckless and abusive, and love without power is sentimental and anemic. Power at its best is love implementing the demands of justice, and justice at its best is power correcting everything that stands against love. And this is what we must see as we move on. What has happened is that we have had it wrong and confused in our own country, and this has led Negro Americans in the past to seek their goals through power devoid of love and conscience.

“Power devoid of love and conscience” is exactly what we in the U.S. have been blighted with for at least the past eight years, but which has also been the modus operandi of all governments, whether they call it “realpolitik” or “pragmatism”, for most of human history. That is why “reform” will not suffice. That is why “a radical revolution of values is needed now, meaning “radical” in both the sense of “extreme” and “going to the root of”, and “revolution” as in “overthrowing” the accepted, but continuously failing, value system of our culture.

The “love” Dr. King speaks of is not the sentimental, Hallmark card variety. It is not a mushy, “bleeding-heart liberal” emotion. It is a very active verb. Its closest meaning in English is demonstrating “compassion” and “empathy” (not mere “sympathy”), two words which carry within them the meanings of putting oneself in the place of those who are suffering, of “feeling the way they feel”, not just “feeling for them.” Out of this compassion comes the realization not only of our literal as well as moral kinship, but of the need for justice or fairness for those suffering and oppressed, especially due to our values and our way of living. It is the basis of the Golden Rule as well as of our own Declaration of Independence.

It, therefore, requires not only feelings, but actions which put that compassion and empathy into practice on personal and local levels, and especially on national and international levels. This is the power, which, “…at its best is love implementing the demands of justice, and justice at its best…correcting everything that stands against love.”

The policies and programs, environmental, social, and economic, which we must now demand of our leaders at this crucial time of human and environmental crises, especially in this, the most influential nation on earth, should and must be policies of compassion and justice which embody Dr. King’s “radical revolution of values.”

Let us commemorate Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. then, as not only a civil rights or anti-war leader, but also as a world leader against the ethic of greed, materialism, and exploitation (what he termed “the giant triplets of racism, materialism, and militarism”) and for the values of compassion and justice for all people, especially the poor and powerless, both at home and abroad. It is precisely those roles which are his true, lasting legacy to all of us today, and we can best and truly celebrate his legacy by putting those “revolutionary” values into practice in our personal and public lives. We ignore, or choose to forget this full legacy, to our shame and peril, and that of future generations.

Ed Ciaccio, a conscientious objector since 1970, is a retired teacher.

Full text of the speech – Beyond Vietnam — A Time to Break Silence

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:

I need not pause to say how very delighted I am to be here tonight, and how very delighted I am to see you expressing your concern about the issues that will be discussed tonight by turning out in such large numbers. I also want to say that I consider it a great honor to share this program with Dr. Bennett, Dr. Commager, and Rabbi Heschel, and some of the distinguished leaders and personalities of our nation. And of course it’s always good to come back to Riverside church. Over the last eight years, I have had the privilege of preaching here almost every year in that period, and it is always a rich and rewarding experience to come to this great church and this great pulpit.

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I’m in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.

The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government’s policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one’s own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexing as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation’s history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?” “Why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “Peace and civil rights don’t mix,” they say. “Aren’t you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church — the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate — leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans.

Since I am a preacher by calling, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor — both black and white — through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

Perhaps a more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years — especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask — and rightly so — what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn’t using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today — my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.

For those who ask the question, “Aren’t you a civil rights leader?” and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: “To save the soul of America.” We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:

O, yes,
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath —
America will be!

Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be — are — are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 19541; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Peace Prize was also a commission, a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for “the brotherhood of man.” This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I’m speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men — for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.

This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls “enemy,” for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 — in 1945 rather — after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China — for whom the Vietnamese have no great love — but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States’ influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem’s methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing — in the crushing of the nation’s only non-Communist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon, the only solid — solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call “fortified hamlets.” The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.

Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call “VC” or “communists”? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of “aggression from the North” as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy’s point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred — rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called “enemy,” I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak of the — for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).

If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do [immediately] to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.

Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.

Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.

Five: Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.

Part of our ongoing — Part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile — Meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation’s role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality…and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing “clergy and laymen concerned” committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala — Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.

And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.

In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.

It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin…we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life’s roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life’s highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, “This is not just.” It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, “This is not just.” The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, “This way of settling differences is not just.” This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation’s homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations. These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.

These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. “The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light.”2 We in the West must support these revolutions.

It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.”3

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing — embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate — ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: “Let us love one another, for love is God. And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love.” “If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us.”4 Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.

We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says:

Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word (unquote).

We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood — it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, “Too late.” There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. Omar Khayyam is right: “The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on.”

We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message — of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:

Once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,
In the strife of truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;
Some great cause, God’s new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight,
And the choice goes by forever ‘twixt that darkness and that light.
Though the cause of evil prosper, yet ‘tis truth alone is strong
Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong
Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown
Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.

And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace. If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when “justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”5

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Responsibility: “Put your foot where your mouth is”

This is a re-blog from Jan 29, 2012, because since then the western citizens to a very high extent, hasn’t stopped behaving like non-focused fools, not knowing what self-determination, self-organisation and a united, democratic resistance really is.

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  • This article does not really aim to prove anything, or convince anyone – it is just highlighting some actual, general practiced ‘values’ of the western societies which feed the current “madness”. It is mad, how it is widely accepted in this society, that the ultimate, obvious irresponsibility is showed by those who usually are called “responsible”.

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IT IS ABOUT TIME THAT WE DEMAND TRUE RESPONSIBILITY FROM ALL THOSE WHO SEE THEMSELVES AS  “RESPONSIBLE PEOPLE”, BUT CONTINUE TO KEEP STATE-CRUELTY AND INJUSTICE IN PLACE, BY CONTRIBUTING TO IT. IT IS ABOUT TIME, BECAUSE NOW THEY ALSO GIVE THEIR CONSENT TO THE DEMOLITION OF HUMAN RIGHTS, JUSTICE AND DEMOCRACY ITSELF ON THE DEMANDS OF THE NEO-LIBERAL BANK-CRUSADERS.

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How is the human quality, “responsibility”, generally being interpreted and practiced in the western society? Exactly how much injustice and how much cruelty can we look away from, before we must be called “irresponsible”?

Merkel and Scheuble said:“the Greeks must show responsibility“, Blair said:“the civilized world must show responsibility“, Bush said: “its our responsibility to bring democracy to them”, western leaders said about Kosovo, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria: “Its our responsibility“, and the “responsible citizens” agreed, because they were told so. The leaders didn’t say the same about Serbia, Rwanda and Sudan, so therefore the “responsible citizens” didn’t feel any “responsibility“, when 1,5 million civilians were killed with guns and bombs in Serbia, machetes in Rwanda and state-sanctioned famine in Sudan. The system obviously guide and help the western citizen to interpret “responsibility” ‘the right way’.

RESPONSIBILITY, is demanded from the disobedient by the obedient. It is demanded by those who have shown, through careers, relationships, social behavior, lifestyle and life values, that their only real driving forces in life is EGOISM and NARCISSISM. When not balanced with EMPATHY and ALTRUISM these characteristics are, psycho-socially, highly destructive forces  so therefore they are conveniently styled and repacked by “government advisers” into neo-liberalism with ‘private profit’ and ‘freedom without obligations’ as its “bait”,… and ‘lies’, ‘deceit’, ‘cruelty’, ‘war crimes’ and  ‘conquest’ as it’s  “working tools”. Most careerists and “high achievers” are very fond of this ideology since it is particularly well-adjusted  for expressing greed and gluttony without moral concerns.

Those in the west who usually become the “responsible” and therefore the trustworthy and credible:

  • chose their life-paths according to their parents pressure at 15 (being formed to ignore ‘real life’, not explore it‘)
  • go to college at 18 (usually, just to get a diploma, get away from home and not to get knowledge)
  • start a career at 25 (to earn money and appear successful, not to truly develop, evolve and create)
  • get married at 28 (not from love but from sexual attraction and social-economic selection)
  • have their first kid at 29 (take the step into the world of the “truly responsible”, parents)
  • take the second big mortgage at 37 (to expand the material standard and save the marriage)
  • want divorce at 42 (to ‘find themselves’, because they suspect that they got lost sometime after the age of 6)…

Let me also bring to your attention that it is these “responsible”:

  • who work for predatory, parasitical, multinational corporations,
  • who work for clearly anti-democratic administrations,
  • who work for a science that is killing people,
  • who work for a legal system that hunts down the poor and protects the rich and “powerful”,
  • who look away when genocide is committed by their own governments,
  • who work in fascistic police units and armies that are fighting illegal wars and targeting civilians,
  • who work for a media that has decided to hide and distort the truth, instead of reveal and report it.

Many of them also say, that they do ALL this  for their children, so they can have “a better future”.  The “responsible” do all this and contribute to the madness, WITHOUT BEING MORALLY BOTHERED at all! They don’t have to, because indoctrination and “social conditioning” have taught them to negotiate with their conscience and bend their values. Since they were forced to make serious life choices at 15,  the “social, psychological, emotional and financial handcuffs” are around their wrists already by the time they are 30. Most spend the rest of their lives defending these choices and standpoints.

Sociological studies over the last 40 years show that, due to quite neurotic and stressful lifestyles, most of the “responsible” raise spoiled kids with bad manners. Not mischievous or aggressive, like some of the kids from poorer social groups turn into when under emotional and psychological pressure. No, the children of the “responsible” develop the adequate cunning-skills needed to “survive” in a hectic, ‘high achieving’ home, with the basic human values placed only in an imaginary “exhibition shelf”. Their kids develop ‘social skills’ adjusted only for selfish aims since their moral development is left aside to a great extent. While they are hunting “the American dream”, in action they unconsciously teach their children what lies, deceit, bribery and selfishness is and how these characteristics can be “useful tools for a great career”. By their own behavior they unconsciously teach them to value everyone in money and first and foremost from what they have, and not from what they are. There is rarely time to consciously guide the development of the children’s character and personality in any deeper sense. There is very little time over for rich, truthful and deep human interactions, so therefore the true “moral education” is largely left to its destiny. Of course most of the “responsible” have learned how to be  excellent “lip-servants”, so they ‘teach’ the right things with words, but it is in action they show which values they really nurture and that is also what the kids copy. So when do all these people suddenly turn into “responsible people”? Answer: The moment the buy into the bankers and the rulers agenda and promise to obey and not question their ‘projects’.

To all the irresponsible, “responsible”, I want to say: We are in reality heading with gigantic leaps towards a global fascist state and also your government show all the signs towards such a centralized, dictatorial global power. Don’t think that you are doing anything of any relevance, by just expressing your opinion, signing a few petitions, debate in social forums or join protest marches, if you are still serving the plutocratic, anti-democratic system through your daily ‘commitments’.

“Get up from your knees… Don’t join their armies, don’t work in their institutions or corporations and we’ll see how powerful they are!”

Unless some of the “responsible” press their buttons and their triggers, their armies will not work. Unless well-conditioned “responsible” work in their departments, institutions, corporations and their media, their global dictatorship can’t work – All the adequate information is out there, all the clear evidence for a global dictatorship unfolding are there and all the insiders have talked about it. There is really NOTHING else missing now except your courage. Do you want to do something really unbeatable for your children and your family? Raise your spine, stand up and refuse to continue to be humiliated, lied to and sacrificed in their wars, their economic crisis’ and their ‘globalized tyranny’. You who “don’t want trouble” must understand that you already have trouble in your lap, and your immediate concern should not be ‘terrorism’ or the immigrants and refugees. Be concerned with the rights they are taking away from you instead, in order to “protect you” of course. Most of the western people actually have more to fear from their own riot-police, intelligence services and military, than from any terrorist-organization or refuge.

The cold, indifference shown by the west’s “responsible people”, poses a need for a new definition of their kind. Those who work within the governmental bodies, the police force, the banks and the big corporations, and don’t refuse to obey anti-human policies or rules, must be portrayed and referred to in media as mentally ill, or as gangsters and collaborators… Exactly as anyone else would be, who are self-destructive or work for the Mafia, a “terrorist-organization” or a hostile foreign government. None of them can claim anymore that they “have children to feed”, that “it’s just their job” and that they “just obey orders”. The prison guards in Auschwitz also “just obeyed orders” and so did Pinochet’s torturers and executioners, exactly as the American torturers in the Abu Ghraib prison and in Guantanamo does. Needless to say, it’s NOT acceptable excuses anymore, when ‘their’ company, department or unit is abusing and destroying democratic constitutions, international laws and causing the death and the suffering of millions of humans (while completely ignoring the public opinion). Working in these companies or organizations and obeying anti-human policies and orders now, inflicts personal guilt in accordance to the public importance of one’s position, with the parameter ‘the more power the more responsibility’. Be sure that the abused, humiliated,  indignant and enraged people, will judge the indifferent ‘responsible’ exactly in accordance to this simple, very logic form of justice, and in fact,… so will History itself.

This indifferent attitude and a silent consent has escorted all the appalling “solutions“, “interventions” and the “military campaigns” launched by the west over the last decades,… from Serbia to Syria. Of course, always for humanitarian reasons. Everybody discuss the economic reasons, the political reasons, the scientific reasons, the ethical reasons but not many at all have enough courage and decency to discuss the outrageous criminal reasons and the terrible human suffering caused by “the good ones” when they are on “helping mood”. I am revolted by the indifference and the barbaric, but unfortunately common, behavior which is the result of the current European values (or rather, lack of values)… Europe now is no more than a sorry excuse of a “civilization”, and predominantly the central and the northern European societies, are showing exceptional indifference, cruelty and lack of real understanding. That is why, in the minds of most, an extremely questionable public debt, goes before innocent, human lives. That’s why it is still ‘not horrific’ and ‘not disgraceful’ that 5 000 people in Greece have been driven to suicide in 2,5 years, but it is ‘incredibly horrific’ and ‘disgraceful’ when angry youth in Athens burn a bank.

When a whole ‘western world’ nowadays discover ‘human inner life’, predominantly through migraine’s and ulcer’s, the emotional, psychological and spiritual condition of its citizens, becomes underdeveloped, crippled and weak and is therefore unable to take any relevant moral or ethical decisions.

It is in fact the same spiritual ‘wastelands’ in the esoteric lives of the Americans and the Europeans that defends genocide and war crimes in Asia and the Middle East, but judge the ones who protest against these atrocities. They can excuse mass murderers like Kissinger, Rumsfeldt, Albright, Blair and Bush, but demand zero-tolerance (3 strikes out) when a homeless woman steals an orange from the fruit stand. Hundreds of thousands of innocent war-crime victims, can be called ‘collateral damage’ and be dismissed as an unfortunate mistake,… and the soldier “of conscience”, who reveals the crimes, gets imprisoned instead of decorated.

It is the same ‘Ultimate Evil’ behind those who give the orders to ravish a country and those who are ignoring these crimes, just because it is “the powerful committing them, “our people”, and “because we need their oil, gas, gold, water and cheap labor”… Further, it is also the same lack of civilized behavior, the same “evil”, which makes it possible to accept millions of civilian war victims when it is Asians or Africans dying, but demand  a ‘world war’ when 3 000 American civilians die in a false flag operation…  IT IS  THE “RESPONSIBLE” PEOPLE WHO COMPLY WITH THIS.

What does it really take to be seen as a “responsible person”, in the western societies one might ask? Well, not much actually! You just need to conform to the norm and not be too inconvenient to the “sacred” bureaucracies and administrations and not question their existence or degree of power. If you just work, pay taxes, consume and produce without protests and disobedience, you are usually seen as a “responsible person”, you are obedient so therefore, trustworthy and credible. You can then be allowed to “play rich” by the “emperors” and the “kings” (the bankers and the governments). If you are willing to pawn your freedom, your human and civil rights and your soul. The mortgage, is the most common “contract with the devil” that exists in the western world today.

Obviously there is a great lack of human decency and human dignity, in the indifferent, careless and irresponsible intellectual European minds of today. Completely unable of course to judge from a humanitarian perspective, which would be based on TRUE CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS, CONSCIENCE and COURAGE and not on COWARDICE, NARCISSISM and EGOISM – the characteristics of a sociopath, that is. This is why money in effect goes before human lives, in so many European minds today, and why most value human lives in money, and not in accordance with the infinite abilities, possibilities and potential that EVERY human life has. To express and set up goals according to these abilities, possibilities and potential, is every Human Being’s  birth-right, and CAN therefore NOT be issued out, limited, or owned by money-printers, demagogues, lawmakers and business-parasites.

What the emotionally ill neo-liberals need to get into their thick heads is the following: Humans can’t be valued in money by anyone, because we don’t belong to anyone. ONLY slaves have a price label. No one have the moral right to put a price label on a free human being. We are not born to be economic commodities and therefore our existence, our life, cannot be valued in profit.

When you don’t oppose, resist and boycott injustice, atrocities, brutality and fascism, also in your daily actions and not just in your words, you actually comply with it! You are dipped in guilt whether you like it or not, because you know about the injustice but you still choose to ‘support it’ by contributing to its existence!

Wherever you live, if you are one of the voluntarily enslaved who “just follow orders”, it is clear that you are only able to become ‘involved’, angry and enraged for personal, financial reasons and not for general injustices, and you will of course wait until it hits you in the face before you react. You will then in reality react out of true selfishness and egoism, to save your own ass, but you will scream JUSTICE in general and demand understanding from others.  You can’t become enraged for the fact that human rights and human dignity is being ravaged and ripped apart, because your morals and ethics has already fallen apart, when you decided to NOT care until it affect you personally. When you felt that you needed to negotiate with your conscience all this years, at home, at school, in the school yard, at work, in the army, in the bar and anywhere else where you failed to stand up for justice and human dignity, you didn’t know that avoiding that, over and over again, would actually make you emotionally and spiritually ill, psychologically crippled and mentally weak.

The time has come for you to get well. The time has come when YOU need to “put your foot where your mouth is”. The only opinions that mean something today is the ones that are BACKED UP by relevant actions, which means to NOT participate, NOT support, NOT give your silent consent to injustice, brutality and crimes against humanity. This will heal you and give you INNER POWER. Today’s critical situation demands REAL personal responsibility, moral courage and personal action from all… DON’T COOPERATE WITH THOSE WHO ARE ENSLAVING YOU AND DON’T FEED THEIR TYRANNY.

Anything else is actually at this moment, pointless ‘mass-psychotherapy’ or public carnivals and at least I, am not interested in that! I am only interested in a serious, unified resistance and a ‘freedom struggle’, because that is what it truly is about, a FREEDOM struggle. It concerns mankind as a whole and therefore the threats can’t be seen as class-, race-, religion- or gender-determined. Except a handful of  the absolute financial, political and corporate elite, it concerns ALL the same and therefore the struggle should take the form of a globally, united, liberation struggle.

Understand that if you want to change the direction of a train (political-economic system) that is heading on RAILS towards a cliff (the bankers who met in Jekyll Island 100 years ago laid the railroad-tracks), it doesn’t matter which wagon (political party or social group) you chose to be in, because that will not change the direction of the railroad-tracks. If you can’t convince the driver (the governments and the financial elite) to stop the train, you need to assemble all the people in all the wagons and do the necessary, STOP the train with the emergency brake (revolution). Necessity demand a temporary redirection of the rails, JUST AWAY from the cliff and then hold an assembly meeting and vote about where to direct the new tracks, who’s building the new tracks and who’s going to drive the train. To fight and the arguing over which wagon is the best to travel in and from which wagon the driver will be, while heading over the cliff, is insane and so are we, if we don’t unite to stop the mad driver and redirect the tracks.

The ones who rule us, this anti-human elite, do they really fear anything or is it “game over”?

THEY FEAR A UNITED, PUBLIC OPINION LIKE VAMPIRES FEAR BOTH THE GARLIC AND THE CRUCIFIX. Their worst nightmare is still today your non-cooperation – the refusal to pay outrageous taxes for the military complex and the shadowy projects; refusal to leave homes when banks wage foreclosure on them, refusal to be so obedient to unjust and anti-human policies; they are horrified by the possibility of our refusal to ‘comply’ with our own enslavement in any form. Their system couldn’t cope if this was done on a mass scale. And that’s the point: To do this we need to do it en-masse and those not immediately affected need to support those who are. The following quote by Thucydides is as true today as it was then, when it was first expressed, ca 2 500 years ago during the Peloponnesian Wars.

“Justice will not come to Athens (the World) until those who are not injured are as indignant as those who are injured”

Thucydides (460 BC – 395 BC)

WE, THE HUMANS ON THIS PLANET ARE BORN FREE AND INDEPENDENT WITH A CONSCIOUS FREE CHOICE. And we will not settle down until the full meaning and content in this sentence, is officially and by law acknowledged and respected globally, by all governments and unions, all human institutions, all international corporations and all international banks!

 

Kosmas Loumakis

Karlshamn 29-12-2012

 

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