Daily Archives: January 18, 2013

EUROPEAN MEDIA IS IGNORING GREEK RESISTANCE MOVEMENT 2,5 YEARS NOW – “SPITHA”: Manifesto of December 1st, 2010 (English)

b_3173_or_logoTime to refresh our memory’s on the Greek resistance movement, Mikis Theodorakis’, SPITHA, since everyone in the European media, not least the Swedish, has decided to boycott this initiative from an old fighter, hero and cultural giant. Two and a half year now all media has buried in silence, any political or judicial actions this movement has undertaken.. It is the only REAL “Greek” alternative for the Greek people and that’s why it is boycotted in Greece and in whole of Europe by the media. 

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Summary of the manifesto

spitha-andmikisRight from the introduction of his speech, Mikis Theodorakis immediately points out the main purpose of his initiative: to spark off the creation of a movement of independent citizens beyond the scope of political factions, through the commencement of a nation-wide dialogue of ideas.  He characterises Greece’s basic problem as the country’s incessant, varied, and undisguised as well as latent (due to globalization) post-civil-war dependence on the USA. Hence, the challenge that independent citizens are obliged to take on is one of liberation, of both the nation and the people’s consciousness, against an enemy that has corroded us from the inside out.  Our weapons are our contemplation and reflection, which must lead to the necessary, urgent actions.

Here follows a chronicle of the actions, or rather the absence of any official actions of the present-day government, which have led,with suspiciously mathematical accuracy, to the terms and stipulations imposed by the Memorandum (Law 3845 passed by the Greek Parliament in May 2010) and the Intenational Monetary Fund on our country.  The unprecedented idleness of the government from the beginning of its term has adeptfully brought us to the dilemma: “Bankrupcy or IMF”.  While the government was busy with little else except for proclaiming to the world the economic slump which it had inheritted from previous administrations, the spreads rose to a record high of 1000 points and the slump evolved into destruction, with the full responsibility of the government. Thus, Greece was forced, by the Papandreou administration, according to the terms of the Memorandum and the Loan Contract, to resign irrevokably and unconditionally, as stated by Professor of Constitutional Law George Kasimatis, from its National Sovereignty, virtually succumbing to the governance of our lenders, the IMF and the banks of Europe, prey to american and german imperialism.  If we do not manage to pay back our loan, a large part of which returns to the lending banks and Germany as payment for military equipment, our lenders have the legal right to seize the public property of our country.

With reference to the history of the national debt, burdened by this lending, it is pointed out that the administrations of Andreas and George Papandreou are responsible for its increase by 70% and 12% (over only one year) respectively.

All the other administrations are collectively responsible for an increase of 20%, part of which was the interest from previous claims. Mr. Juncker cynically declared that the European Central Bank was aware of all this. Mr. Theodorakis contends that the ECB’s silence implies its complicity.  It is therefore a malicious insult to our history and intelligence to accept the arrogant reign of a group of foreign employees.The alternative solutions, which the government had scandalously and inexcusably turned down prior to the Memorandum, are much more advantageous and feasible: engaging in loans and economic agreements with Russia and China.  The biggest part of the debt is interest.  The political approach of the present government inflates the debt to the point where it will not be able to be paid off by any means. Simultaneously, not only does the government not promote any  development in the least, but it also insinuates the possibility of early elections, causing a further widening of spreads, so as to perpetuate, it seems, the impossibility of participating normally in lending markets, and consequently our subjugation to the IMF and the troika EU-IMF-ECB.

There is, however, continues the manifesto’s writer, another route besides the depleting drainage and taxation of the citizens, which is imposed by the government under the auspices of the IMF and the detestable contract which the government itself caused.  According to an article by Mr. Delastik, this route implements the taxation of banks.  Hungary has courageously taken this approach, in decreasing taxation of personal income and refusing to comply with the IMF’s dictate for the further shrinking of the people’s income, thus causing many to fear, including the European banks, that this tactic would be an example for others to follow.

As for the goals and the methodology followed by the IMF, Mr. Papoulias’ analysis, which is referred to by Mr. Theodorakis, as well as the latter’s own findings, are revelational.  The IMF implements the theory of “shock” to supress healthy social reflexes and to promote the apathetic inaction of the people, just as continuous electrical shocks are able to transform an individual into a submissive being.  The IMF first hit the countries of Latin America in this way, almost all of which were ruled by dictatorships at the time (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, and others). Aside from these countries, Roumanians and Indonesians can also testify to the destitution and social inequality which the IMF and its “shock” methods have brought on instead of the economic streamlining and restructuring which it had professed.  It couldn’t have been otherwise, since the IMF is a vehicle for the economic and political infiltration of the USA into countries of interest to it, with the aim to ransack them from the inside out, drain them economically and take advantage of them geostrategically.  In the case of Greece specifically, the systematic demolition of its “Greekness”, its History, its Culture, and ultimately of the Nation itself and its people, has been attempted since 1974.  Our patriotism and the love of our country, which unite the whole of our people and comprise our only guarantee for survival, are being undermined as something undesirable and “unwestern”. Education and Art are crucially afflicted.

Nonetheless, to care for our country, our Nation and Culture, is not nationalism but self-evident and honest patriotism.  With a blow dealt to our patriotism, our History and our Language,  a series of schemes is being orchestrated against our vital national interests, just as had been designed by Mr. Kissinger some decades ago.  The “Turkeyfication” of Cyprus is being attempted, now in collaboration with the government which supported the Anan plan against the will of 70% of the Cypriot people.  The concession of sovereignty rights is occuring on a military level as well, in the sphere NATO.  As Ms. Adam points out, since 2006 the new NATO dogma does not acknowledge Greece’s sovereignty rights for the islands of the eastern and central Aegean.  Greek military planes from the Larissa subheadquarters are forbidden to approach the islands of the eastern Aegean or fly nearer than 6 nautical miles from their coasts.  Twenty-one islands are not only being demilitarised, but their national identity is being called into question.  These dictates on the part of NATO   contravene International Treaties which are in effect in these regions, and open the way for Turkey’s contentions.  But it is not only these aims that are encouraged by american expantionist policy.  The unhistorical, irrational and distorted aims of Albania, Skopje, and Turkey regarding Thrace are also inflamed and supported by the USA.  While all these threats accumulate, and despite the international disgrace of the recent killing of unarmed civilians by the israeli army, the Papandreou administration inexplicably allows the israeli airforce to execute military drills in our national airspace.

All the above national threats, Mr. Theodorakis continues, call for a series of measures of National Defense, among which are the planning of a new national defense doctrine and the reconsideration of our relations with NATO.   Our political, economic, and cultural decline took place with the blessings of our political system, unions, mass media as well as with international assistance.  It is true that profound structural changes are needed, however not the ones that are being attempted.  The government is taking advantage of the common conviction of all Greek people that a separation with the past is necessary, in order to promote changes and ruptures that benefit a minority of bankers. The latter supported and support the present PASOK administration because they know that only PASOK, which controls the unions, could pass such changes without massive reactions on the part of the unions.

This crisis concerns all Greek citizens without exception.  In our battle to come out of this crisis we must, unfortunately, count on ourselves alone initially.  A first step is the proper management of the national debt.  Furthermore, it is of dire necessity to change our mentality and formulate a vision for our common future, for the true happiness of all of our people.  Towards these goals, we can put to financial work the property of the church and state, without selling it, we can implement taxation according to income level, we can create a pillar of national banking, we can contest for the annulment of part of our national debt and the long-postponed depositing of german war compensations.  We will have to depart from the IMF and look into new alliances, but also put into effect Greece’s development in all areas without exception.   Among the immediate actions which me can move forward with are the signing of a lower-interest-rate loan agreement with Moscow or Beijing, the cessation of provision of military equipment from Germany, and the carrying out of the necessary diplomatic motions to curtail the creeping contentions of Skopje, Albania and Turkey, in the context of the existing international treaties.

The most recent elections featured abstinence as the grand winner.  This legitimises the disobedience towards an antidemocratic legitimation of the few.  All united, Mr. Theodorakis concludes, we must oust foreign and domestic exploiters, cleanse the words “Greece”, “Nation”, “Democracy”, “Truth”, “Respect”, “Solidarity”, “Freedom”, “Hospitality” from the mud that has tainted them in recent years, and contest for a just and blessed Greece for all.  This fatherland belongs to all of us, and only to us.

31-5-2011 PROPYLAIA

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Before the Law – Μπροστά στο νόμο – Framför Lagen, (Franz Kafka)

(English, Ελληνικά, Svenska)

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In order to grasp the true character of the current relationship between the citizen and the “power”, the “system”, the government,.. this passage from Franz Kafka’s, “The Process”, is necessary to understand – In the political climate of the false democracies, the false legal systems, the false media and the false institutions,.. the real rights of the citizen is just an illusion.

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Για να πιάσουμε τον αληθινό χαρακτήρα της σημερινής σχέσης μεταξύ του πολίτη και της “εξουσίας”, του “σύστηματος”, της κυβέρνησης,.. είναι απαραίτητο να γίνει κατανοητό αυτό το απόσπασμα της “Δίκης” του Φραντς Κάφκα,  – Στο πολιτικό κλίμα των ψευδών δημοκρατιών, το ψευδών νομικών συστημάτων, τα ψεύτικα μέσα ενημέρωσης και τα ψευδείς θεσμικά όργανα,.. τα πραγματικά δικαιώματα του πολίτη είναι απλώς μια ψευδαίσθηση.

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För att greppa den sanna karaktären av dagens förhållande mellan medborgaren och “makten”, “systemet”, regeringen,.. är denna passage från Franz Kafkas “Processen”, nödvändig att förstå – I de falska demokratiernas, de falska rättssystemets, den falska medians och de falska institutionernas politiska klimat,.. är medborgarnas verkliga rättigheter  bara en illusion.

Kosmas Loumakis

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D10.tif

 

by Franz Kafka

“Before the Law”

kafka26Before the law sits a gatekeeper. To this gatekeeper comes a man from the country who asks to gain entry into the law. But the gatekeeper says that he cannot grant him entry at the moment. The man thinks about it and then asks if he will be allowed to come in later on. “It is possible,” says the gatekeeper, “but not now.” At the moment the gate to the law stands open, as always, and the gatekeeper walks to the side, so the man bends over in order to see through the gate into the inside. When the gatekeeper notices that, he laughs and says: “If it tempts you so much, try it in spite of my prohibition. But take note: I am powerful. And I am only the most lowly gatekeeper. But from room to room stand gatekeepers, each more powerful than the other. I can’t endure even one glimpse of the third.” The man from the country has not expected such difficulties: the law should always be accessible for everyone, he thinks, but as he now looks more closely at the gatekeeper in his fur coat, at his large pointed nose and his long, thin, black Tartar’s beard, he decides that it would be better to wait until he gets permission to go inside. The gatekeeper gives him a stool and allows him to sit down at the side in front of the gate. There he sits for days and years. He makes many attempts to be let in, and he wears the gatekeeper out with his requests. The gatekeeper often interrogates him briefly, questioning him about his homeland and many other things, but they are indifferent questions, the kind great men put, and at the end he always tells him once more that he cannot let him inside yet. The man, who has equipped himself with many things for his journey, spends everything, no matter how valuable, to win over the gatekeeper. The latter takes it all but, as he does so, says, “I am taking this only so that you do not think you have failed to do anything.” During the many years the man observes the gatekeeper almost continuously. He forgets the other gatekeepers, and this one seems to him the only obstacle for entry into the law. He curses the unlucky circumstance, in the first years thoughtlessly and out loud, later, as he grows old, he still mumbles to himself. He becomes childish and, since in the long years studying the gatekeeper he has come to know the fleas in his fur collar, he even asks the fleas to help him persuade the gatekeeper. Finally his eyesight grows weak, and he does not know whether things are really darker around him or whether his eyes are merely deceiving him. But he recognizes now in the darkness an illumination which breaks inextinguishably out of the gateway to the law. Now he no longer has much time to live. Before his death he gathers in his head all his experiences of the entire time up into one question which he has not yet put to the gatekeeper. He waves to him, since he can no longer lift up his stiffening body.

The gatekeeper has to bend way down to him, for the great difference has changed things to the disadvantage of the man. “What do you still want to know, then?” asks the gatekeeper. “You are insatiable.” “Everyone strives after the law,” says the man, “so how is that in these many years no one except me has requested entry?” The gatekeeper sees that the man is already dying and, in order to reach his diminishing sense of hearing, he shouts at him, “Here no one else can gain entry, since this entrance was assigned only to you. I’m going now to close it.

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απο Φραντς Καφκα

“Μπροστα στο Νομο”

kafka26Μπροστά στο νόμο στέκει ένας θυρωρός, σ’ αυτό το θυρωρό έρχεται ένας χωρικός και ζητά να μπει μέσα. Μα ο θυρωρός λέει πως δεν μπορεί να τον αφήσει τώρα να μπει. Ο άνθρωπος συλλογιέται και ύστερα ρωτά μήπως θα μπορούσε να μπει αργότερα. “‘Ίσως”, λέει ο θυρωρός, “τώρα όμως όχι”. Η πόρτα είναι ανοιχτή όπως πάντα και καθώς παραμερίζει ο θυρωρός, σκύβει ο άνθρωπος, για να κοιτάξει μέσα από την πόρτα. Μόλις το αντιλήφθηκε αυτό ο θυρωρός, γελά και λέει: “Αν το τραβά η όρεξη σου, δοκίμασε να μπεις, μ’ όλο που σου το απαγόρεψα. Πρόσεξε όμως: είμαι δυνατός. Και δεν είμαι παρά ο πιο κάτω απ’ όλους τους θυρωρούς. Από αίθουσα σ’ αίθουσα είναι κι άλλοι θυρωροί, ο ένας πιο δυνατός από τον άλλο. Τη θέα του τρίτου μόλις, ούτ’ εγώ μπορώ να την αντέξω”. Τέτοιες δυσκολίες δεν τις περίμενε ο χωρικός. Ο νόμος ωστόσο πρέπει να ‘ναι στον καθένα και πάντα προσιτός, σκέπτεται, και καθώς τώρα κοιτάζει προσεχτικά το θυρωρό, τυλιγμένο στο γούνινο πανωφόρι του, τη μεγάλη σουβλερή του μύτη, τη μακριά, αραιή, μαύρη, τατάρικη γενειάδα, αποφασίζει να περιμένει καλύτερα ίσαμε να πάρει την άδεια να μπει. Ο θυρωρός του δίνει ένα σκαμνί και τον αφήνει να καθίσει πλάι στην πόρτα. Εκεί δα κάθεται μέρες και χρόνια. Κάνει πολλές προσπάθειες να του επιτρέψουν να μπει, και κουράζει τον θυρωρό με τα παρακάλια του. Ο θυρωρός του κάνει συχνά μικρορωτήματα, σαν αυτά που κάνουν οι μεγάλοι κύριοι, και στο τέλος του λέει ολοένα, πως δεν μπορεί ακόμα να τον αφήσει να μπει. Ο άνθρωπος, που ήταν καλά εφοδιασμένος για το ταξίδι του, τα ξόδεψε όλα, ακόμη κι ό,τι πολύτιμο είχε, σε δωροδοκίες για το θυρωρό. Εκείνος τα δέχεται όλα και ύστερα λέει: “Τα δέχομαι μόνο και μόνο για να μη νομίσεις πως παρέλειψες τίποτα.” Όλα αυτά τα πολλά χρόνια ο άνθρωπος παρατηρεί το θυρωρό σχεδόν αδιάκοπα. Αποξεχνά τους άλλους θυρωρούς, κι αυτός ο πρώτος του φαίνεται το μοναδικό εμπόδιο για να μπει στο νόμο. Καταριέται την κακή τύχη. Τα πρώτα χρόνια χωρίς συγκρατημό και δυνατά, αργότερα, όσο γεράζει, μουρμουρίζει μόνο. Αρχίζει να παιδιαρίζει, και, μια και μελετώντας χρόνια το θυρωρό γνώρισε και τους ψύλλους του γούνινου γιακά του, παρακαλεί και τους ψύλλους να τον βοηθήσουν και ν’ αλλάξουν τη γνώμη, του θυρωρού. Τέλος, το φως λιγοστεύει και δεν ξέρει, αν γύρω του αλήθεια σκοτεινιάζει, ή αν μονάχα τα μάτια του τον απατούν. Ωστόσο, αναγνωρίζει τώρα μια λάμψη μέσα στο σκοτάδι, που ξεχύνεται άσβεστη μέσα από του νόμου την πόρτα. Δεν έχει πια πολλή ζωή. Πριν από το θάνατο του σμίγουν όλες οι πείρες όλης του της ζωής σε ένα ρώτημα, που δεν είχε κάνει ως σήμερα στο θυρωρό. Του γνέφει, γιατί δεν μπορεί πια ν’ ανασηκώσει το ξυλιασμένο του κορμί.

Ο θυρωρός πρέπει να σκύψει πολύ κοντά του, γιατί το ύψος του ανθρώπου έχει πολύ αλλάξει. “Τι θες λοιπόν ακόμα να μάθεις;” ρωτά ο θυρωρός, “είσαι αχόρταγος…”. “‘Όλοι μάχονται για το νόμο”, λέει ο άνθρωπος, “πώς τυχαίνει να μη ζητά κανένας άλλος εκτός από μένα να μπει;” Ο θυρωρός νιώθει πως ο άνθρωπος αγγίζει κιόλας στο τέλος και, για να φτάσει την ακοή του που χάνεται, ουρλιάζει: “Κανένας άλλος δε μπορούσε να γίνει δεκτός εδώ, γιατί η είσοδος ήταν για σένα προορισμένη. Πηγαίνω τώρα να την κλείσω.”

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av Franz Kafka

“Framför Lagen”

kafka26Framför lagen står en dörrvakt. Till denne dörrvakt kommer en man ifrån landet och ber om tillträde till lagen. Men dörrvakten säger att han just nu inte kan bevilja honom tillträde. Mannen funderar och frågar därefter om han får gå in senare. – Det är möjligt, säger dörrvakten, men inte just nu. Eftersom att porten till lagen som vanligt är öppen och dörrvakten går åt sidan, lutar sig mannen fram för att se in genom porten. När dörrvakten märker detta skrattar han och säger : – Om det är frestande för dig kan du väl försöka gå in trots mitt förbud. Men kom ihåg: jag är mäktig. Och jag är bara den lägsta dörrvakten. Från sal till sal möts man av dörrvakter, den ena mäktigare än den andra. Redan åsynen av den tredje står jag inte ens ut med. Sådana svårigheter har mannen från landet inte väntat sig, lagen ska ju alltid stå öppen för alla och envar, tänker han, men när han nu ser närmare på dörrvakten som står där i sin päls, med sin stora spetsiga näsa, sitt långa, tunna, svarta tartarskägg, beslutar han sig för att ändå hellre vänta tills han får tillåtelse att gå in. Dörrvakten ger honom en pall och låter honom slå sig ned vid sidan om dörren. Där sitter han sedan år ut och år in. Han gör många försök att bli insläppt och tröttar ut vakten med sina böner. Dörrvakten förhör honom lite då och då, frågar ut honom om hans hembyggd och mycket annat ´, men han är egentligen inte intresserad utan frågar bara som höga herrar brukar fråga och säger till slut återigen att han ännu inte kan släppa in honom. Mannen som har utrustat sig ordentligt för sin resa använder allt han har, hur värdefullt det än är, för att försöka muta dörrvakten. Denne tar visserligen emot allt men säger samtidigt: – Jag tar emot det bara för att du inte ska tro att du har försummat något. Under årens lopp iaktar mannen dörrvakten nästan oavbrutet. Han glömmer bort de andra dörrvakterna, och denna första tycks vara det enda hindret för att komma in i lagen. Han förbannar sitt oblida öde, de första åren högt och ljudligt, senare, när han blivit gammal, mummlar han för sig själv han blir som barn på nytt, och eftersom att han under sina årsöånga studier av dörrvakten har bekantat sig med lopporna i hans pälskrage, ber han även lopporna bevaka dörrvakten. Till slut blir hans syn svag men han kan inte avgöra om det verkligen mörknar kring honom eller om det bara är synen som sviker. Men i mörker skönjer han nu tydligt ett ljus som outsläckligt strålar ut ur lagens dörr… Nu lever han inte länge till. Innan han dör samlas i hans huvud alla erfarenheter från hela denna tid till en fråga, som han ännu aldrig ställt till dörrvakten. Han vinkar honom till sig, eftersom att han inte längre kan räta på sin allt stelare kropp.

Dörrvakten måste böja sig djupt mot honom, ty skillnaden i storlek mellan dem har starkt förändrats mellan dem till mannens nackdel. -Vad är det du vill veta, frågar dörrvakten, du får då aldrig nog. – Alla söker sig ju till lagen, säger mannen, hur kommer det sig att ingen mer än jag begärt tillträde under alla dessa år? Dörrvakten märker att slutet är nära, och för att nå fram till mannen, vars hörsel nu börjar avta, vrålar han till honom: – Här kunde ingen annan få tillträde, ty denna ingång var avsedd endast för dig. Jag går nu och stänger den.

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